Intelligent Leftist
Sunday, November 15, 2015
So, about that "Stalin killed 20 million people" claim....
Friday, August 8, 2014
On the Holodomor Famine
- A multi-year drought began in 1927, which lasted for the next decade.
- The agricultural system was based on the US's monoculture approach, which left the soil in poor shape. In the US this led to the dust bowl and our own famine in the 1930's.
- The pushback against agricultural reforms resulted in farmers killing off their livestock and damaging farm equipment, resulting in a severe disruption in food production in the Ukraine. Many large farm operators were arrested, resulting in key knowledge not being in place at this time for land management, which was already poor to begin with.
- The quotas for export were adjusted very slowly to reflect these conditions. These were set by bureaucrats not on the ground, who were likely unaware of the conditions, or simply did not believe the reports. This is only human nature to disbelieve when something so dramatic happens.
- Contrary to the export quotas, the quotas for internal consumption were adjusted with incredible speed. This shows a disconnect existed between the two offices.
Holodomor, Famine in Ukraine 1932-1933: A Crime against Humanity or Genocide? by Renate Stark
the findings of the 2008 meeting in Kyiv marking the 75th Anniversary of Holodomor
THE HOLODOMOR OF 1932-1933: THE SCHOLARLY VERDICT By Stanislav Kulchytsky
The 1932–1933 Crisis and Its Aftermath beyond the Epicenters of Famine: The Urals Region by Gijs Kessler
An Analysis of the Main Causes of the Holodomor by Yiwei Cheng
Dust Bowl Era by R. Louis Baumhardt
The Dust Bowl by Ken Burns
A new direction
Now, someone brought up the idea of creating a bibliography of right-wing distortions against communist nations. This intrigued me, as in my writing for AI I had found a significant amount of what I had accepted about the former communist or third world nations either a result of spin, or just fabrication.
So, now welcome to the new Intelligent Leftist, a blog designed to break down and sort fact from fiction in regards to the history and reality of the opposing side of the cold war. A historical analysis, and the best understanding I can achieve with the information given.
It may not be popular, but it is necessary. And if nobody else will do it. I will.
Thursday, April 28, 2011
On Superman
Superman did what he had to do, in order to be a proud American. Due to his status, he became a symbol of America to the world in the DC universe, and in this Universe too I may add. But he also saw how dangerous it had become, that people were looking to him to be America, to lead America and to set it's policies, to personify it's policies. In order to protect America from Kal El, the man, he had to divorce Superman from the country itself.
If such a being as Superman existed in this world, much the same would happen. Imagine in a Watchmen world what would happen, the fallout if Dr Manhattan did as Superman did. Iran would immediatel
This makes Superman in my eye not less American, but more American. This is what being American means, putting the good of your friends, family, neighbors ahead of your own. This is the country of We the People. He is now, more than ever, the symbol of everything that is right about America, what is worth fighting for in America.
Tuesday, April 19, 2011
On Taxes and the lack thereof
To compare - if that married couple's $86,700 income was wages, their 2010 federal income tax would be $9,369 (no kids, standard deduction)- and they would have paid another $6,633 in social security & medicare taxes.
So on the same amount of income - the couple with $5million of stock pays ZERO, while the working couple pays $16,002.
The above is from an accountant friend of mine.
Wednesday, April 13, 2011
A Liberal Definition by John F. Kennedy
Taken from: http://www.liberalparty.org/JFKLPAcceptance.html
Acceptance Speech of the New York
Liberal Party Nomination
September 14, 1960
What do our opponents mean when they apply to us the label "Liberal?" If by "Liberal" they mean, as they want people to believe, someone who is soft in his policies abroad, who is against local government, and who is unconcerned with the taxpayer's dollar, then the record of this party and its members demonstrate that we are not that kind of "Liberal." But if by a "Liberal" they mean someone who looks ahead and not behind, someone who welcomes new ideas without rigid reactions, someone who cares about the welfare of the people -- their health, their housing, their schools, their jobs, their civil rights, and their civil liberties -- someone who believes we can break through the stalemate and suspicions that grip us in our policies abroad, if that is what they mean by a "Liberal," then I'm proud to say I'm a "Liberal."
But first, I would like to say what I understand the word "Liberal" to mean and explain in the process why I consider myself to be a "Liberal," and what it means in the presidential election of 1960.
In short, having set forth my view -- I hope for all time -- two nights ago in Houston, on the proper relationship between church and state, I want to take the opportunity to set forth my views on the proper relationship between the state and the citizen. This is my political credo:
I believe in human dignity as the source of national purpose, in human liberty as the source of national action, in the human heart as the source of national compassion, and in the human mind as the source of our invention and our ideas. It is, I believe, the faith in our fellow citizens as individuals and as people that lies at the heart of the liberal faith. For liberalism is not so much a party creed or set of fixed platform promises as it is an attitude of mind and heart, a faith in man's ability through the experiences of his reason and judgment to increase for himself and his fellow men the amount of justice and freedom and brotherhood which all human life deserves.
I believe also in the United States of America, in the promise that it contains and has contained throughout our history of producing a society so abundant and creative and so free and responsible that it cannot only fulfill the aspirations of its citizens, but serve equally well as a beacon for all mankind. I do not believe in a superstate. I see no magic in tax dollars which are sent to Washington and then returned. I abhor the waste and incompetence of large-scale federal bureaucracies in this administration as well as in others. I do not favor state compulsion when voluntary individual effort can do the job and do it well. But I believe in a government which acts, which exercises its full powers and full responsibilities. Government is an art and a precious obligation; and when it has a job to do, I believe it should do it. And this requires not only great ends but that we propose concrete means of achieving them.
Our responsibility is not discharged by announcement of virtuous ends. Our responsibility is to achieve these objectives with social invention, with political skill, and executive vigor. I believe for these reasons that liberalism is our best and only hope in the world today. For the liberal society is a free society, and it is at the same time and for that reason a strong society. Its strength is drawn from the will of free people committed to great ends and peacefully striving to meet them. Only liberalism, in short, can repair our national power, restore our national purpose, and liberate our national energies. And the only basic issue in the 1960 campaign is whether our government will fall in a conservative rut and die there, or whether we will move ahead in the liberal spirit of daring, of breaking new ground, of doing in our generation what Woodrow Wilson and Franklin Roosevelt and Harry Truman and Adlai Stevenson did in their time of influence and responsibility.
Our liberalism has its roots in our diverse origins. Most of us are descended from that segment of the American population which was once called an immigrant minority. Today, along with our children and grandchildren, we do not feel minor. We feel proud of our origins and we are not second to any group in our sense of national purpose. For many years New York represented the new frontier to all those who came from the ends of the earth to find new opportunity and new freedom, generations of men and women who fled from the despotism of the czars, the horrors of the Nazis, the tyranny of hunger, who came here to the new frontier in the State of New York. These men and women, a living cross section of American history, indeed, a cross section of the entire world's history of pain and hope, made of this city not only a new world of opportunity, but a new world of the spirit as well.
Tonight we salute Governor and Senator Herbert Lehman as a symbol of that spirit, and as a reminder that the fight for full constitutional rights for all Americans is a fight that must be carried on in 1961.
Many of these same immigrant families produced the pioneers and builders of the American labor movement. They are the men who sweated in our shops, who struggled to create a union, and who were driven by longing for education for their children and for the children's development. They went to night schools; they built their own future, their union's future, and their country's future, brick by brick, block by block, neighborhood by neighborhood, and now in their children's time, suburb by suburb.
Tonight we salute George Meany as a symbol of that struggle and as a reminder that the fight to eliminate poverty and human exploitation is a fight that goes on in our day. But in 1960 the cause of liberalism cannot content itself with carrying on the fight for human justice and economic liberalism here at home. For here and around the world the fear of war hangs over us every morning and every night. It lies, expressed or silent, in the minds of every American. We cannot banish it by repeating that we are economically first or that we are militarily first, for saying so doesn't make it so. More will be needed than goodwill missions or talking back to Soviet politicians or increasing the tempo of the arms race. More will be needed than good intentions, for we know where that paving leads.
In Winston Churchill's words, "We cannot escape our dangers by recoiling from them. We dare not pretend such dangers do not exist."
And tonight we salute Adlai Stevenson as an eloquent spokesman for the effort to achieve an intelligent foreign policy. Our opponents would like the people to believe that in a time of danger it would be hazardous to change the administration that has brought us to this time of danger. I think it would be hazardous not to change. I think it would be hazardous to continue four more years of stagnation and indifference here at home and abroad, of starving the underpinnings of our national power, including not only our defense but our image abroad as a friend.
This is an important election -- in many ways as important as any this century -- and I think that the Democratic Party and the Liberal Party here in New York, and those who believe in progress all over the United States, should be associated with us in this great effort. The reason that Woodrow Wilson and Franklin Roosevelt and Harry Truman and Adlai Stevenson had influence abroad, and the United States in their time had it, was because they moved this country here at home, because they stood for something here in the United States, for expanding the benefits of our society to our own people, and the people around the world looked to us as a symbol of hope.
I think it is our task to re-create the same atmosphere in our own time. Our national elections have often proved to be the turning point in the course of our country. I am proposing that 1960 be another turning point in the history of the great Republic.
Some pundits are saying it's 1928 all over again. I say it's 1932 all over again. I say this is the great opportunity that we will have in our time to move our people and this country and the people of the free world beyond the new frontiers of the 1960s.